<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><xml><records><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>32</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adam Szczegielniak</style></author></authors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Noam Chomsky</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Pesetsky</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cedric Boeckx</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jay Jasanoff</style></author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Relativization that you did</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Harvard</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://mitwpl.mit.edu/catalog/#mitopl</style></url></web-urls></urls><publisher><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics vol. 24</style></publisher><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cambridge, MA</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This work address the puzzle why VP ellipsis where the subject plus an auxiliary/modal&lt;br /&gt;
/negation (non bare-VP ellipsis) is not possible in relatives derived via operator&lt;br /&gt;
movement, whereas VP ellipsis where only the subject remains (bare-VP ellipsis) is&lt;br /&gt;
possible in both relatives derived via operator movement as well as head noun movement.&lt;br /&gt;
I will argue that Polish and Russian ellipsis data points to the generalization that VPellipsis&lt;br /&gt;
is essentially deletion of a topic VP.&lt;br /&gt;
In the first part of the thesis, I show that Polish and Russian relative clauses divide into&lt;br /&gt;
two types: (i) derived by head noun movement (co/cto-relatives), and (ii) derived by&lt;br /&gt;
operator movement and adjunction of the relative to the head noun (który/kotoryjrelatives).&lt;br /&gt;
In the second part, I answer why bare-VP ellipsis is only possible in co/cto-relatives, and&lt;br /&gt;
non bare-VP ellipsis is possible in both types of relatives. I will argue that de-stressing&lt;br /&gt;
and subsequent ellipsis requires the establishment of Topic and Focus in overt syntax.&lt;br /&gt;
The establishment of Topic/Focus interacts with relative clause formation giving rise to&lt;br /&gt;
the asymmetry in the availability of both types of VP ellipsis in different kinds of relative&lt;br /&gt;
clauses.&lt;/p&gt;
</style></abstract><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">PhD</style></work-type></record></records></xml>