The purpose of this squib is to propose a solution to the seemingly paradoxical nature of headless relative clauses (DP-like distribution vs. CP-like form), based on cyclic Transfer of syntactic structure. The core hypothesis is that the C-head in free relatives (FRs) bears no interpretable features and is therefore removed from the derivation, along with its complement domain, upon Transfer. This leaves the wh-phrase at the edge as the only remaining element at the next cycle, where the FR consequently acts as a DP (or PP). I show that this proposal derives central differences between FRs and embedded interrogatives and sheds light on properties of FRs more generally. If the analysis is on the right track, it provides a strong argument for the cyclic-derivational nature of narrow syntax.