Presentation Materials

Phase by Phase Givenness, at Rutgers University, New Brunswick, Friday, November 20, 2015:

Some sluicing constructions that do not have an overt grammatical continuation, be it cleft, wh-movement. For example, Polish and Indonesian can omit  Prepositions in sluice constructions whose anaphor cannot be expressed in the form of a wh-expression or a cleft, or any type of overt movement (Sato 2011), (Nykiel 2013)

1.     Byłaś ubrana  w  czerwonego    tamtej nocy, ale nie pamiętam (w) co
       were dressed in something red       that night but not remember (in) what
   ...

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Phase by Phase Givenness and Focus Marking in Multiple Remnant Sluicing involving P-omission and Island Alleviation , at MIT, Thursday, October 29, 2015:

Adopting a presuppositional account of Givenness (Sauerland 2005) that has a reflex in syntax (Kučerová 2012), I will propose a new way of licensing ellipsis based on phase-by-phase computation of Information Structure. Remnant movement licensing ellipsis can be local within its phase, but still subject to AvoidFocus! (Schwarzschild 1999). This will provide insight into not only P-omission but also new facts about Island alleviation.

...

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Phase-by-phase computation of prominence in ellipsis and PP stranding island alleviations , at New York Univeristy, Saturday, May 9, 2015:

This paper proposes that an account of PP-stranding in ellipsis in non-PP-stranding languages needs to take into account how prominence via Focus/Contrast is computed. The proposal here is that prominence is computed on a phase-by-phase basis (Selkirk and Kratzer 2007). Cases of PP-stranding in Polish will be argued to be instances of non-constituent ellipsis (Bruening 2015), but with one remnant. PP-stranding is possible when there is a smaller phase than the PP where prominence can be established. This is the case when the remnant of sluicing is a D-linked wh-phrase (but not a simple wh-...

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The syntax of the semantics of ellipsis, at LingLunch, MIT Linguistics , Thursday, March 20, 2014:

The talk argues for an analysis of ellipsis that combines:(i) the licensing of the antecedent-anaphor relationship in elided structures via mutually entailing Givenness, modulo focus (Rooth 1992, Merchant 2001) with (ii) a syntax based phase driven account of ellipsis (Rouveret 2012, Chung 2013, Boskovic 2014). The connection between the syntax and semantics of ellipsis will be the observation that the lower bound of a Givenness Domain is encoded in the syntax in the form of a [G] operator that can trigger overt XP movement (Kucerova 2012).

Data will come from Polish and other...

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Label Assignment in Restrictive Relative Clauses Needs Semantic Information, at Rutgers Univeristy, Linguistics Colloquium , Friday, March 29, 2013:

Aim:
- Provide an unified derivation for restrictive relative clauses that predicts matching and raising behavior of the head noun
- Examine the nature of syntactic labels
- Establish the algorithm responsible for assigning derived structures a syntactic label
- Combine the three above into a convincing analysis

Relativizing Two Types of Degrees, at LingLunch, MIT Linguistics, Thursday, April 5, 2012:
This talk will propose an alternative to Carlson (1977) and Grosu and Landman (1998) derivation of (1) and (2) that combines a raising analysis of DegP and a matching analysis of NP. Support for this claim will come from head noun reconstruction facts, as well as scope contrasts between degree relatives and comparatives. DegP will be argued to have its denotation built via subsequent overt raising within CP, where it undergoes Maximization and then moves out of CP to a position modifying the external NP. Differences between (1) and (2) will be attributed to differences in the type of DegP (... Read more about Relativizing Two Types of Degrees

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