Presentation Materials

Label Assignment in Restrictive Relative Clauses Needs Semantic Information, at Rutgers Univeristy, Linguistics Colloquium , Friday, March 29, 2013:
relative_clauses_labels_semantic_types.ppt.pdf

Aim:
- Provide an unified derivation for restrictive relative clauses that predicts matching and raising behavior of the head noun
- Examine the nature of syntactic labels
- Establish the algorithm responsible for assigning derived structures a syntactic label
- Combine the three above into a convincing analysis

Relativizing Two Types of Degrees, at LingLunch, MIT Linguistics, Thursday, April 5, 2012:
relativizing_two_types_of_degrees.pdf
This talk will propose an alternative to Carlson (1977) and Grosu and Landman (1998) derivation of (1) and (2) that combines a raising analysis of DegP and a matching analysis of NP. Support for this claim will come from head noun reconstruction facts, as well as scope contrasts between degree relatives and comparatives. DegP will be argued to have its denotation built via subsequent overt raising within CP, where it undergoes Maximization and then moves out of CP to a position modifying the external NP. Differences between (1) and (2) will be attributed to differences in the type of DegP (... Read more about Relativizing Two Types of Degrees
Polish Relative Clause Structure, at Brown Bag Lunch, NYU Linguistics, Friday, April 2, 2010:
polish_relative_clause_structure.pdf
This talk will argue for a derivation of relative clauses along the lines
proposed in Cinque (2008). The proposal is an attempt to unify RC structure and Adjectival
modification. Moreover, it aims at providing a single structure for both
matching and raising analyses.
Islands in Sluicing in Polish, at 27th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, UCLA, Los Angeles, Saturday, May 17, 2008:
islands_in_sluicing_in_polish_1.pdf

Link to WCCFL abstract at UCLA

This paper accounts for previously unknown facts involving the alleviation of islands in sluicing. It argues that sluicing does not alleviate islands and that cases reported as island alleviation actually involve a non-movement derivation in languages like Polish. Sluicing is no different than other types of Ellipsis (like VP ellipsis) in that it does not alleviate Island effects when we control for the...

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Moving into Islands, at Harvard Univeristy, Monday, May 7, 2007:
moving_into_islands.pdf
(1) a. The clause is partitioned into three domains corresponding to VP, TP,
CP. However, it is denied that TP is the intermediate projection of VP
and CP the final projection. Rather both CP and TP are final projections
on their own. This means CP does not dominate TP, but both dominate
VP.
b. Different syntactic objects (SO) can move into [Spec,CP] and [Spec,TP].
c. The positions correlate with the two types of phrasal movement:
(i) [Spec,TP] is the position for A-movement,
(ii) [Spec,CP] is the position for A’-movement.
d. A- and A’-movement are triggered for... Read more about Moving into Islands
The processing of VP ellipsis, at CUNY sentence Processing Conference, Univeristy of Arizona, Tucson, Tuesday, March 8, 2005:
the_processing_of_vp_ellipsis.pdf
The question:
What types of information are processed during VP ellipsis comprehension?
The answer:
Only the types of information that are relevant - we do not need to process
Phonological and Semantic information in elided structures.
Phonemic Buffer Properties, at Harvard-MIT, HUMIT conference, Saturday, September 2, 2000:
phonemic_buffer_properties.pdf

A study of a an Aphasic patient RC arguing for the postulation of the existence of a phonemic buffer that:

- maintains the linear order of segments
- is length sensitive
- hold in memory more than one lexical item
- holds non-word segments

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