Publications/Manuscripts

In Press
Between pronouns and R-expressions: Pronoun-like lexical noun phrases
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. In Press. “Between pronouns and R-expressions: Pronoun-like lexical noun phrases.” Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue Canadienne De Linguistique. Publisher's Version Abstract
We discuss an empirical study that suggests a finer categorization of
pronouns versus lexical noun phrases in terms of their feature valuation.
We argue that not all lexical noun phrases have their φ -features valued
from the lexicon. By investigating Polish politeness markers, we
demonstrate that certain noun phrases can have their features
(specifically, the person feature) valued in a manner parallel to feature
valuation in free pronouns. The proposal thus refines our understanding
of the categorical distinction between different types of nominals, and
suggests that in addition to known morphological and syntactic variation
in the domain of pronouns and lexical noun phrases there is a more finetuned
classification of feature valuation types.
kucerova_szczegielniak_2022_cjlrcl-sa-2020-0014.r2_proof_hi.pdf
Submitted
Remnant licensing and structural economy in VP ellipsis: Evidence from Czech
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. Submitted. “Remnant licensing and structural economy in VP ellipsis: Evidence from Czech.” Journal of Slavic Linguistics.
Underspecification of nominal functional categories in Semitic and Slavic
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. Submitted. “Underspecification of nominal functional categories in Semitic and Slavic.” Journal of Slavic Linguistics. Abstract

Assuming that features on functional heads are variables (Borer, 2005), we expect to find
syntactic operations and functional elements that target and manipulate these variables beyond matching and valuation in agree. We argue that such syntactic operations and
functional elements exist. This paper presents such a functional element: a polarity
operator manipulating features of a functional head it modifies. The empirical motivation
or our proposal comes fromparallel systematic homophony over the same set of functional
interpretations and features within the nominal extended projection in Slavic and Arabic  dialects.

keywords: syntactic features, nominal categories, Slavic, Arabic

2021
Polish politeness markers as a window into person-feature valuation
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. 2021. “Polish politeness markers as a window into person-feature valuation.” Journal of SLavic Linguistics 21. Abstract
This paper presents novel evidence for Polish nominals being phases. The core of the argument comes from the interaction between the size of a nominal domain and the corresponding person-feature valuation. While an nP-size nominal structure only exhibits feature valuation within the narrow-syntax module, the DP-size nominal structure exhibits interface feature interactions. Since interface interactions can only arise during spell-out, the corresponding nominal domain, i.e., DP, must be a phase and D must be a phase head that triggers spell-out. The empirical focus of this paper is on a syntactic variation in the domain of politeness markers in Polish (pan.m/ pani.f).
kucerovaszczegelniakfasl28.pdf
2020
On VP ellipsis in Czech: Phases and the small conjunction hypothesis
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. 2020. “On VP ellipsis in Czech: Phases and the small conjunction hypothesis.” Rivista di Grammatica Generativa (RGG) 42. Publisher's Version Abstract
We show that in order to account for the distribution of auxiliaries/modals in verbal-phrase (VP) ellipsis contexts in Czech, VP ellipsis needs to have the option to be licensed via low coordination of the antecedent and anaphora VPs. Evidence for such constructions comes from contrasts in the licensing of Czech VP ellipsis vis `a vis epistemic and root modal readings of high and low auxiliaries. The contrast is best accounted for within a phase-based theory of ellipsis.
kucerovaszczegielniak_vp-ellipsis-in-czech_rgg-2020-02.pdf
Slavic meets Semitic: Nominal functional categories as underspecified heads
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. 2020. “Slavic meets Semitic: Nominal functional categories as underspecified heads.” Canadian Linguistic Association Meeting. Canada: Canadian Linguistic Association.
kucerova_szczegielniak_cla-acl2020.pdf
2019
Szczegielniak, Adam. 2019. “Relative constructions with partial labels.” MS Rutgers.
_relative_constructions44.doc.pdf
Roots, their structure and consequences for derivational timing
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. 2019. “Roots, their structure and consequences for derivational timing.” The Linguistic Review 36 (3): 365–387. Publisher's Version Abstract

Recent work in Distributed Morphology, most prominently Harley (2014), argues for roots being able to take syntactic complements, which opens the door for the possibility of having syntactic features within a root’s representation – something most DM literature rejects (Embick 2015). Upon a closer inspection of the arguments presented in the literature, it is not clear whether the disagreement has an empirical underpinning, or whether it stems from the lack of methodological clarity as far as the identification of the precise nature of what constitutes a syntactic feature. This paper takes this methodological question seriously and investigates a type of derivational behavior that, in our view, provides a decisive argument for the presence of syntactic features on roots. We argue that the presence of a syntactic feature on the root can be conclusively established based on a feature’s impact on specific properties within a larger syntactic structure. Based on empirical evidence form gender agreement phenomena, we introduce a model of grammar that distinguishes roots with syntactic features from those which do not have them. We propose that such a distinction between roots will manifest itself in the timing of root insertion – roots without syntactic features are late inserted, while roots with syntactic features must be early inserted.

Keywords: gender agreement; late insertion; roots; syntactic features

rootstheirstructureandconsequencesforderivationaltiming_web.pdf
2018
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. 2018. “Some Notes on Primary Merge”.
kucerovaszczegielniak_2019_remarks_on_primary_merge-_a_reply_to_de_belder_and_van_craenenbroeck_copy_2.pdf
Ellipsis
Szczegielniak, Adam. 2018. “Ellipsis.” Oxford Bibliographies in Linguistics. Edited by Mark Aronoff. New York: Oxford University Press. Publisher's Version
ellipsis_uop_web.pdf.pdf
Kučerová, Ivona, and Adam Szczegielniak. 2018. “A Dual Theory of Roots: Evidence from Gender-marking Languages.” West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics . Calgary, Alberta: Cascadilla Press, 232-241. Publisher's Version Abstract
We propose that roots are not homogeneous when it gets to their syntactic features. While some roots don't have any syntactic features from the lexicon, other roots do. This distinction has consequences for derivational timing and properties of the extended functional domain. We argue that it also has consequences for our typology of features.
a_dual_theory_of_roots-_evidence_from_gender-marking_languages.pdf
2017
Dynamic Phase Heads. The Case of the Invisible DP in Slavic
Szczegielniak, Adam. 2017. “Dynamic Phase Heads. The Case of the Invisible DP in Slavic.” A Pesky Set: Papers for David Pesetsky, edited by Claire Halpert, Hadas Kotek, and Coppe van Urk, 301-311. Cambridge: MIT. Publisher's Version
dynamic_phase_heads_final_szczegielniak_web.pdf
2016
Phase by phase computation of prominence in ellipsis and PP-stranding island alleviation.
Szczegielniak, Adam. 2016. “Phase by phase computation of prominence in ellipsis and PP-stranding island alleviation.” The 24th Meeting of Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics in 2015. Edited by Yohei Oseki, Masha Esipova, and Stephanie Harves. NYU New York, New York: Michigan Slavic Publications, Ann Arbor, Michigan, Michigan Slavic Materials , 62, 418-437. Publisher's Version
phase_by_phase_computation_of_prominence_in_ellipsis_and_pp-stranding_island_alleviation.pdf
2015

Draft textbook used in class, undergoing revision.

the_algebra_of_language_introduction_to_syntax_v2.pdf
2012
Degree amount Relative clauses Szczegielniak
Szczegielniak, Adam. 2012. “Degree Phrase Raising in Relative Clauses.” Information Structure and Agreement, edited by Camacho Taboada, Jiménez Fernández, Martín González, and Reyes Tejedor, 255-274. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Publisher's Version Abstract

The paper proposes that degree/amount relative clauses are derived via overt Degree Phrase raising out of the CP. I show that there exist two distinct types of degree relative clauses whose properties can be deduced from the differences between the two types of DegP argued to be present in the grammar by Neelman, van de Koot & Doetjes (2004). This raises the possibility that syntactic and semantic variation between classes of relative constructions can be reduced to the type of lexical item that is raised out of the CP.

degree_phrase_raising_in_relative_clauses.pdf
2008
Szczegielniak., Adam. 2008. “Islands in Sluicing in Polish.” West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics 27. UCLA, Los Angeles, CA: Cascadilla Press, 404-412. Publisher's Version Abstract

n this paper the author claims on the basis of Polish data that: (1) Sluicing does not alleviate islands, just like VP ellipsis; (2) Ellipsis is not licensed by syntactic identity (no PF, LF Islands, or trace deletion); (3) There is syntactic structure in the ellipsis site; (4) ellipsis is licensed by a recoverability condition--if there is enough information in the non-elided signal, ellipsis is acceptable, including case-mismatches, PP stranding violations, adjunct islands, etc.

islands_in_sluicing_in_polish.pdf
2006
Szczegielniak, Adam. 2006. “All sluiced up, but no alleviation in sight..” MS Harvard.
sluicing_and_island_alleviation.pdf
Szczegielniak, Adam. 2006. “VP Ellipsis and Topicalization.” North East Linguistic Society 35. University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT: BookSurge Publishing, 603-615. Volume at Amazon Abstract

This paper supports the model where VP ellipsis is licensed via de-stressing which in turn is licensed via Focus closure (Rooth 1992). However, it is also argued that we have to assume that ellipsis is preceded by the establishment of Focus/Topic relations in overt syntax. This can be done in two ways: by focusing the subject, provided a Σ head is in the numeration, or by topicalizing the VP. The first strategy gives rise to non bare-VP ellipsis, the second to bare-VP ellipsis.

vp_ellipsis_and_topicalization.pdf

Pages