@article {686248,
	title = {Remnant licensing and structural economy in VP ellipsis: Evidence from Czech.},
	journal = {Journal of Slavic Linguistics},
	volume = { 31},
	number = {FASL 30 },
	year = {2023},
	pages = {1-20},
	url = {http://ojs.ung.si/index.php/JSL/article/view/196},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@article {686247,
	title = {Underspecification of nominal functional categories in Semitic and Slavic},
	journal = {Journal of Slavic Linguistics },
	volume = {30},
	number = {FASL 29 extra issue},
	year = {2022},
	month = {24 Dec 2022},
	pages = {1-18},
	abstract = {
	Assuming that features on functional heads are variables (Borer, 2005), we expect to findsyntactic operations and functional elements that target and manipulate these variables beyond matching and valuation in agree. We argue that such syntactic operations andfunctional elements exist. This paper presents such a functional element: a polarityoperator manipulating features of a functional head it modifies. The empirical motivationor our proposal comes fromparallel systematic homophony over the same set of functionalinterpretations and features within the nominal extended projection in Slavic and Arabic\&nbsp; dialects.



	keywords: syntactic features, nominal categories, Slavic, Arabic

},
	url = {https://ojs.ung.si/index.php/JSL/article/view/111},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@article {686159,
	title = {Between pronouns and R-expressions: Pronoun-like lexical noun phrases},
	journal = {Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue Canadienne De Linguistique},
	volume = {67},
	number = {(3)},
	year = {2022},
	month = {2022},
	pages = {302{\textendash}327},
	abstract = {We discuss an empirical study that suggests a finer categorization ofpronouns versus lexical noun phrases in terms of their feature valuation.We argue that not all lexical noun phrases have their φ -features valuedfrom the lexicon. By investigating Polish politeness markers, wedemonstrate that certain noun phrases can have their features(specifically, the person feature) valued in a manner parallel to featurevaluation in free pronouns. The proposal thus refines our understandingof the categorical distinction between different types of nominals, andsuggests that in addition to known morphological and syntactic variationin the domain of pronouns and lexical noun phrases there is a more finetunedclassification of feature valuation types.},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2022.24},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@article {686154,
	title = {Polish politeness markers as a window into person-feature valuation},
	journal = {Journal of SLavic Linguistics},
	volume = { 29 },
	number = {FASL extra issue},
	year = {2021},
	pages = {1-12},
	abstract = {This paper presents novel evidence for Polish nominals being phases. The core of the argument comes from the interaction between the size of a nominal domain and the corresponding person-feature valuation. While an nP-size nominal structure only exhibits feature valuation within the narrow-syntax module, the DP-size nominal structure exhibits interface feature interactions. Since interface interactions can only arise during spell-out, the corresponding nominal domain, i.e., DP, must be a phase and D must be a phase head that triggers spell-out. The empirical focus of this paper is on a syntactic variation in the domain of politeness markers in Polish (pan.m/ pani.f).},
	url = {http://ojs.ung.si/index.php/JSL/article/view/152},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@article {686246,
	title = {On VP ellipsis in Czech: Phases and the small conjunction hypothesis},
	journal = {Rivista di Grammatica Generativa (RGG)},
	volume = {42},
	year = {2020},
	abstract = {We show that in order to account for the distribution of auxiliaries/modals in verbal-phrase (VP) ellipsis contexts in Czech, VP ellipsis needs to have the option to be licensed via low coordination of the antecedent and anaphora VPs. Evidence for such constructions comes from contrasts in the licensing of Czech VP ellipsis vis {\textquoteleft}a vis epistemic and root modal readings of high and low auxiliaries. The contrast is best accounted for within a phase-based theory of ellipsis.},
	url = {https://lingbuzz.com/j/rgg/2020/2020.02/},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@proceedings {686158,
	title = {Slavic meets Semitic: Nominal functional categories as underspecified heads},
	journal = {Canadian Linguistic Association Meeting},
	year = {2020},
	publisher = {Canadian Linguistic Association},
	address = {Canada},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@manuascript {633820,
	title = {Relative constructions with partial labels},
	journal = {MS Rutgers},
	year = {2019},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@article {619764,
	title = {Roots, their structure and consequences for derivational timing},
	journal = {The Linguistic Review},
	volume = {36},
	number = {3},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {365{\textendash}387},
	abstract = {Recent work in Distributed Morphology, most prominently Harley (2014), argues for roots being able to take syntactic complements, which opens the door for the possibility of having syntactic features within a root{\textquoteright}s representation {\textendash} something most DM literature rejects (Embick 2015). Upon a closer inspection of the arguments presented in the literature, it is not clear whether the disagreement has an empirical underpinning, or whether it stems from the lack of methodological clarity as far as the identification of the precise nature of what constitutes a syntactic feature. This paper takes this methodological question seriously and investigates a type of derivational behavior that, in our view, provides a decisive argument for the presence of syntactic features on roots. We argue that the presence of a syntactic feature on the root can be conclusively established based on a feature{\textquoteright}s impact on specific properties within a larger syntactic structure. Based on empirical evidence form gender agreement phenomena, we introduce a model of grammar that distinguishes roots with syntactic features from those which do not have them. We propose that such a distinction between roots will manifest itself in the timing of root insertion {\textendash} roots without syntactic features are late inserted, while roots with syntactic features must be early inserted.Keywords: gender agreement; late insertion; roots; syntactic features},
	url = {https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/tlir.2019.36.issue-3/tlr-2019-2022/tlr-2019-2022.xml?format=INT},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@manuascript {643754,
	title = {Some Notes on Primary Merge},
	year = {2018},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@webarticle {603556,
	title = {Ellipsis},
	journal = {Oxford Bibliographies in Linguistics. Edited by Mark Aronoff.},
	year = {2018},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	address = {New York},
	url = {https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199772810/obo-9780199772810-0218.xml?rskey=NCPJR7\&result=1\&q=ellipsis$\#$firstMatch},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@proceedings {543526,
	title = {A Dual Theory of Roots: Evidence from Gender-marking Languages},
	journal = {West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics },
	year = {2018},
	pages = {232-241},
	publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	address = {Calgary, Alberta},
	abstract = {We propose that roots are not homogeneous when it gets to their syntactic features. While some roots don{\textquoteright}t have any syntactic features from the lexicon, other roots do. This distinction has consequences for derivational timing and properties of the extended functional domain. We argue that it also has consequences for our typology of features.},
	url = {http://www.lingref.com/cpp/wccfl/35/abstract3394.html},
	author = {Ivona Ku{\v c}erov{\'a} and Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@inbook {350341,
	title = {Dynamic Phase Heads. The Case of the Invisible DP in Slavic},
	booktitle = {A Pesky Set: Papers for David Pesetsky},
	year = {2017},
	pages = {301-311},
	publisher = {MIT},
	organization = {MIT},
	address = {Cambridge},
	url = {http://mitwpl.mit.edu/catalog/mwpl80/},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak},
	editor = {Claire Halpert and Hadas Kotek and Coppe van Urk}
}
@proceedings {379541,
	title = {Phase by phase computation of prominence in ellipsis and PP-stranding island alleviation.},
	journal = {The 24th Meeting of Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics in 2015},
	volume = {Michigan Slavic Materials },
	number = {62},
	year = {2016},
	pages = {418-437},
	publisher = {Michigan Slavic Publications, Ann Arbor, Michigan},
	address = {NYU New York, New York},
	url = {https://lsa.umich.edu/slavic/resources/michigan-slavic-publications/all-publications/fasl-24-nyu-2015.html},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak},
	editor = {Yohei Oseki and Masha Esipova and Stephanie Harves}
}
@manuascript {353611,
	title = {The Algebra of Language. Introduction to Syntax},
	year = {2015},
	edition = {v2},
	abstract = {
	Draft textbook used in class, undergoing revision.

},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@article {164661,
	title = {Review of Copular Clauses in English and Polish. Structure, Derivation and Interpretation by Anna Bondaruk},
	journal = {Journal of Slavic Linguistics},
	volume = {22},
	number = {2},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {293-312},
	url = {https://slavica.indiana.edu/journalListings/jsl/Volume22_No2},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@inbook {34010,
	title = {Degree Phrase Raising in Relative Clauses},
	booktitle = {Information Structure and Agreement},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {255-274},
	publisher = {John Benjamins},
	organization = {John Benjamins},
	address = {Amsterdam},
	abstract = {The paper proposes that degree/amount relative clauses are derived via overt Degree Phrase raising out of the CP. I show that there exist two distinct types of degree relative clauses whose properties can be deduced from the differences between the two types of DegP argued to be present in the grammar by Neelman, van de Koot \&amp; Doetjes (2004). This raises the possibility that syntactic and semantic variation between classes of relative constructions can be reduced to the type of lexical item that is raised out of the CP.},
	url = {https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.197.09szc},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak},
	editor = {Camacho Taboada and Jim{\'e}nez Fern{\'a}ndez and Mart{\'\i}n Gonz{\'a}lez and Reyes Tejedor}
}
@proceedings {34011,
	title = {Islands in Sluicing in Polish},
	journal = {West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics 27},
	year = {2008},
	pages = {404-412},
	publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	address = {UCLA, Los Angeles, CA},
	abstract = {n this paper the author claims on the basis of Polish data that: (1) Sluicing does not alleviate islands, just like VP ellipsis; (2) Ellipsis is not licensed by syntactic identity (no PF, LF Islands, or trace deletion); (3) There is syntactic structure in the ellipsis site; (4) ellipsis is licensed by a recoverability condition--if there is enough information in the non-elided signal, ellipsis is acceptable, including case-mismatches, PP stranding violations, adjunct islands, etc.},
	url = {http://www.lingref.com/cpp/wccfl/27/index.html},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak.}
}
@manuascript {144916,
	title = {A discussion of {\textquotedblleft}linguistic{\textquotedblright} approaches to agrammatic disorder studies},
	journal = {MS. Harvard},
	year = {2007},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@manuascript {167736,
	title = {All sluiced up, but no alleviation in sight...},
	journal = {MS Harvard},
	year = {2006},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@proceedings {34155,
	title = {VP Ellipsis and Topicalization},
	journal = {North East Linguistic Society 35},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {603-615},
	publisher = {BookSurge Publishing},
	address = {University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT},
	abstract = {This paper supports the model where VP ellipsis is licensed via de-stressing which in turn is licensed via Focus closure (Rooth 1992). However, it is  also argued that we have to assume that ellipsis is preceded by the establishment of Focus/Topic relations in overt syntax. This can be done in two ways: by focusing the subject, provided a Σ head is in the numeration, or by topicalizing the VP. The first strategy gives rise to non bare-VP ellipsis, the second to bare-VP ellipsis.
},
	url = {http://www.amazon.com/Proceedings-Thirty-Fifth-Meeting-Linguistic-Society/dp/1419622102},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@proceedings {34037,
	title = {Two Types of Relative Clauses in Slavic {\textendash} Evidence from Reconstruction and Ellipsis},
	journal = {Western Conference On Linguistics 33},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {373-384},
	publisher = {Department of Linguistics California State University, Fresno Fresno},
	address = {USC, Los Angeles, CA},
	abstract = {This paper argues that there must be two ways to derive relative clauses in
Polish and Russian. The type of derivation strongly correlates to the type of
relative marker used in these constructions.
},
	url = {http://www.fresnostate.edu/linguistics/WECOL\%20Web/WECOL\%20volumes\%20online.htm},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@inbook {35063,
	title = {Clitic positions within the Left Periphery: evidence for a phonological buffer},
	booktitle = {Clitic and Affix Combinations},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {283-299},
	publisher = {John Benjamins},
	organization = {John Benjamins},
	address = {Amsterdam},
	abstract = {In this paper I will argue that Polish auxiliary clitics provide additional evidence for adopting Rizzi{\textquoteright}s (1997) expanded structure of the Left Periphery (LP) by arguing that auxiliary clitics are a phonological manifestation of the morphological properties of the Fin head. This will be supported by examples of auxiliary clitics demarcating Focus/Topic constructions from material within IP. Further support will come from examples where auxiliary clitics interact with LF operations like reconstruction and reflexive interpretation. However, I will also show that syntactic operations over-generate possible outputs and that we need to postulate a phonological buffer which filters syntactic output.
},
	url = {http://benjamins.com/$\#$catalog/books/la.74/toc},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak},
	editor = {L. Heggie and P. Ordonez}
}
@book {34175,
	title = {Relativization that you did},
	series = {Harvard},
	number = {MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics 24},
	year = {2005},
	publisher = {MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics vol. 24},
	organization = {MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics vol. 24},
	type = {PhD},
	address = {Cambridge, MA},
	abstract = {This work address the puzzle why VP ellipsis where the subject plus an auxiliary/modal
/negation (non bare-VP ellipsis) is not possible in relatives derived via operator
movement, whereas VP ellipsis where only the subject remains (bare-VP ellipsis) is
possible in both relatives derived via operator movement as well as head noun movement.
I will argue that Polish and Russian ellipsis data points to the generalization that VPellipsis
is essentially deletion of a topic VP.
In the first part of the thesis, I show that Polish and Russian relative clauses divide into
two types: (i) derived by head noun movement (co/cto-relatives), and (ii) derived by
operator movement and adjunction of the relative to the head noun (kt{\'o}ry/kotoryjrelatives).
In the second part, I answer why bare-VP ellipsis is only possible in co/cto-relatives, and
non bare-VP ellipsis is possible in both types of relatives. I will argue that de-stressing
and subsequent ellipsis requires the establishment of Topic and Focus in overt syntax.
The establishment of Topic/Focus interacts with relative clause formation giving rise to
the asymmetry in the availability of both types of VP ellipsis in different kinds of relative
clauses.
This is a revision of my 2004 PhD thesis at Harvard},
	url = {http://mitwpl.mit.edu/catalog/mopl24/},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@article {34156,
	title = {Two Types of Resumptive Pronouns in Polish Relative Clauses},
	journal = {Linguistic Variation Yearbook },
	volume = {5},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {165{\textendash}185},
	abstract = {This paper discusses two types of resumptive pronouns found in Polish relative clauses: (i) adjacent resumptives and (ii) embedded resumptives. It will be argued that adjacent resumptives are truncated forms of the relative operator, whereas embedded resumptives are {\textquoteleft}regular{\textquoteright} resumptive pronouns found in other languages like Hebrew and Russian. Support for this claim will come from analyzing the differences between adjacent and embedded resumptives, and analyzing the similarities between adjacent resumptives and relative operators. Cross-linguistic data involving the interaction of relative clause formation and resumption, as well as the interaction of cliticization and resumption will provide additional support for the above claim. 
},
	url = {http://www.benjamins.com/cgi-bin/t_bookview.cgi?bookid=LIVY\%205},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@book {35186,
	title = {Proceedings of the 1st HUMIT Student Conference in Language Research (HUMIT 2000)},
	year = {2001},
	publisher = {MIT Working papers in Linguistics},
	organization = {MIT Working papers in Linguistics},
	address = {Cambridge, MA},
	url = {http://mitwpl.mit.edu/catalog/mwpl40/},
	editor = {Ora Matushansky and Adam Szczegielniak and et.al}
}
@inbook {35042,
	title = {Polish Optional Movement},
	booktitle = {The Minimalist Parameter},
	year = {2001},
	pages = {137-159},
	publisher = {Benjamins},
	organization = {Benjamins},
	address = {Ottawa},
	abstract = {In current Minimalism Move/Attract  is considered to be a Last Resort operation driven by the need to eliminate features unreadable at the PF or LF interfaces (see, e.g., Chomsky 1995). Crucially, if elements move because they are forced to, then there should be no language exhibiting a structure with the same Numeration and yet with different linear orders.1 Consequently, optional movement poses a problem for current Minimalism. In this paper I will discuss certain properties of various word orders in Polish and will attempt to propose a minimalist account of Polish optional  movement. As a starting point, I will assume the minimalist framework proposed in Chomsky (1995, Chap.4) and later modified in his MIT 1997 lectures.
},
	url = {http://benjamins.com/$\#$catalog/books/cilt.192/main},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak},
	editor = {Galina M. Alexandrova and Olga Arnaudova}
}
@inbook {35043,
	title = {{\textquoteright}That-trace effects{\textquoteright} cross-linguistically and successive cyclic movement},
	booktitle = {Papers on Morphology and Syntax, Cycle One},
	year = {1999},
	pages = {369-393},
	publisher = {MIT Working Papers in Linguistics},
	organization = {MIT Working Papers in Linguistics},
	address = {Cambridge, MA},
	abstract = {This paper will be an attempt at accounting for {\textquoteleft}that-trace effects{\textquoteright} cross-linguistically. It will be argued that the ECP type of approach, as well as non-ECP analyses, are insufficient to account for a variety of data.The proposed analysis will crucially rely on a phase Spell-Out system adopted in Chomsky (1998) where the computational system CHL Spells-Out material to PF and LF in phases.
},
	url = {http://mitwpl.mit.edu/catalog/mwpl33/},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak},
	editor = {K. Arregi and B. Bruening and C. Krause and V. Lin}
}
@proceedings {35044,
	title = {Deficient Heads and Long Head Movement in Slovak},
	journal = {Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 5 },
	year = {1997},
	pages = {312-333},
	publisher = {University of Michigan },
	address = {Bloomington Indiana/Wabash College},
	abstract = {This paper examines verbal clitics in Polish and Slovak
},
	url = {http://www.lsa.umich.edu/slavic/msp/books/books/fasl5.html},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
@conference {160006,
	title = {Certain Aspects of Cliticization in Polish},
	booktitle = {19th Penn Linguistics Colloquium },
	volume = {2},
	year = {1995},
	month = {1995},
	publisher = {UPenn},
	organization = {UPenn},
	address = {University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia},
	abstract = {The main goal of this paper is to present an account of certain forms of cliticization in
Polish. I will try to show that the fact that certain clitics undergo phonological processes
typically assumed to be lexical does not exclude the possibility of them being generated in
the syntax, hence this paper is also an attempt to provide a framework of the interaction
between different modules of grammar. Clitics are a good ground since their
behavior is distinct in different levels of grammar, especially syntax and phonology.},
	url = {http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol2/iss2/13/},
	author = {Adam Szczegielniak}
}
