The circumflex advancement is usually dated after the loss of the weak jers. However, this chronology has been questioned by Vermeer (1979) and Greenberg (1992, 1993), who claim the opposite: that the weak jers were lost after the advancement. They further propose the “non-advancement rule”, by which the circumflex does not advance if a weak jer follows. Their evidence comes almost exclusively from the l-participles of the accentual paradigm c, which have the initial accent in the two dialects. The article presents new data that argue against this proposal. It is shown that the circumflex regularly advances in words outside the category of l-participles despite the presence of a subsequent weak jer. Moreover, a new explanation is given for the initial accent in l-participles that better captures the data.