With growing technological advances, more countries are being propelled to implement data privacy and protection measures. But such laws may not offer comfort in countries like Ethiopia and Zimbabwe, where there is little institutional will and capacity to protect privacy and means to enforce the rule of law.
he heightened interest in Africa-China relations is prompted by the increasing trade, investment, and aid between China and several African countries. Entry by China’s government and private and public enterprises into Africa came with increased FDI, mostly in the telecommunications, hydropower, transport, manufacturing, and construction space. Such ventures were greeted by African publics with skepticism and embrace. Obviously, embrace was, and still is, predicated on investments and technology transfers. Although academic and media debates explore some of the negative and positive aspects of the relationship, the way we discuss these issues frequently overlooks African agency.
The heightened attention to Africa-China relations is prompted by the growing investment, trade, and aid between African countries and China. Such ventures are being both embraced, on the one hand, and met with scepticism, on the other hand. Although academic and media discourses are examining both the encouraging and detrimental aspects of the relationship, the way we explore the subject matter frequently obfuscates African agency. This paper argues that Chinese surveillance spread is informed by African local demands.
The paper reviews the recent development of the Chinese social credit system. It challenges some of the easy, and now common, suppositions about the development of an Orwellian scoring nightmare. It chiefly brings attention to the denial of privacy that has been prompted by public and private surveillance mechanisms and the automation of censorship. The project highlights and explores the relationship between China and African countries, like Ethiopia, that have adopted its model of economic development and surveillance. The paper questions the centrality of delegated, commercial systems of automated surveillance in China by large firms, moreover, explores how that might unfold in the context of Ethiopia's hybridized surveillance order. The ICT systems resourced by Chinese firms and loans have become instruments for development in places like Ethiopia, but also contested sites for competing political visions, which bear little resemblance to the matrix of private and public interests in China. This outcome suggests that the fundamental architecture of the social credit system is not exportable.
Chinese legal reform is dotted with episodes of progress and stagnation. While significant steps have been taken to professionalize, specialize, and autotomize the judicial apparatus, populist forces have also informed the trajectory of reform. Guiding cases have ignited tremendous scholarly discourses about the importance of the tool, and how it can help ameliorate the legal system. Some scholars “cite their potential to fill statutory lacunae, unify legal standards, improve judicial efficiency, and limit judicial discretion.”1 Others argue that the Chinese political and legal system are ill-prepared (or incompatible) to adopt the guiding cases paradigm. This article investigates the development of guiding cases and attempts to shed light on their function and potential impact on the political and legal landscapes. We maintain that the current role of guiding cases in the overall system is still ambiguous and that the rise of guiding cases has had marked progress, but its development in the political and legal milieus remain to be discerned.