Residents of Mexico City have been suffering from a heightened sense of public insecurity for at least a decade. Robberies and mugging ae relatively common occurences, and many citizens fear the consequences of using automatic teller machines or hailing cabs on public thoroughfares, given the rise of "express kidnappings," being forced to drive from ATM to ATM, usually at gunpoint, to withdraw cash.
This paper attempts an analysis of a sort of paradox affecting left-wing government in the nation's capital. Its efforts are directed towards an understanding and an interpretation of what kind of government Mexico City has, from the point of view of the ongoing projects and ruling acts of its government. In order to do this, the authors examine and show the existing gap between the expectations generated by the triumph of the current jefe de gobierno (mayor) and its supporting political party (the PRD), and the ensuing urban policy outlined by the city's present administration. The authors also recount what the government experience of the PRD has been since their accession to power in the nation's capital in 1997.
The accountability of public police has been well documented. The role and function of internal affairs divisions, civilian review boards, the media, and criminal and civil courts has been explored in many works. The same cannot be said about their private counterparts. Since the beginning of the 1970s, the global community has witnessed a surge in the number of and the reliance upon private police forces. Yet, empirical knowledge about their functions is hard to find and the mechanisms through which they are held accountable are still relatively unknown. This article explores the multiple paths through which private police are accountable in three applications drawn from diverse parts of the world. We conclude effective accountability is possible for private police through a variety of mechanisms.
Violent exchanges between armed officials and citizens, heightened fear and physical insecurity, police and military personnel who violate the law or flagrantly abuse their power, and growing popular discontent with states and elected officials who fail to guarantee the protection of constitutional rights and rule of law.
In this project, authors explain the basic theoretical contents, the methodology and other important questions to analyze the Mexican situation of change or transformation of the political regime and the setting up of the law abiding condition. The main questions are, on the one hand, if the law abiding condition is being built and the different kinds such process adopts and, on the other hand, in case this process is not occurring, understand and explain what is happening in the environment of the democratic guarantees of citizens expected by population.
Diane E. Davis. 2001. “Development and Urbanization.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences, edited by Neil J. Smelser and Paul B. Baltes. Oxford: Elsevier Science, Ltd.
In the past decade, despite the apparent demise of authoritarian rule and formal military control of the state in Latin America, the power and influence of militaries and police have not diminished. Instead, these institutions have frequently carved out new roles for themselves, in some cases usurping the power of civilian agencies, sometimes in violation of constitutions. The enduring power of the militaries and the police has been reinforced by the dismantling of other parts of the state apparatus by policies of market-oriented reform. Indeed, as economic safety nets for the relatively disadvantaged have all but disappeared, poverty and income inequality have been on the rise, and crime has started to soar in many countries in the region. As disorder in civil society increases, political challengers with control over the means of violence have strengthened their position, with groups as diverse as veterans, guerrillas, paramilitary forces, drug traffickers, and the police acting with increasing impunity.
Alguna vez considerada como la Ciudad de los Palacios, la ciudad de México ha experimentado un crecimiento y un desarrollo acelerados en los últimos ochenta años. La explosión demográfica, la escasez de servicios públicos, los peligrosos niveles de contaminación, el incansable tráfico y la crisis económica actual son muestra de que la capacidad espacial y productiva de la ciudad está por agotarse.
Most scholars who work on Latin American social movements borrow frameworks developed by those who study Europe and North America. Little effort has been made to formulate alternative models deliberately sensitive to the unique political, social, cultural, and economic developments in Latin America.
Los modelos teóricos de mayor aplicación en el estudio de los movimientos sociales latinoamericanos son generalmente de origen extranjero, principalmente de Europa. aunque también de Norteamérlca. Los esfuerzos desplegados para teomar estos movimientos mediante un paradigma especiflca mente latinoamericano, esto es, con una sensibilidad d irig ida a captar la singularidad de los fenómenos políticos, sociales y culturales de la región, han Sido hasta ahora escasos. A contmuaclón me propongo explicar por qué ha sido así, y luego intentaré remediar la situación presentando una nueva estructura analitiea cuyo punto de partida es la noción de espacialidad entendida como un construdo matenal y social. Para conseguir mi objetivo me apoyaré en los avances de dos de los paradigmas más conocidos, el de los Nuevos movimientos sociales (NMS) y el de la estructura de la oportunidad Política (EO,), pero Intentaré ir más allá, enfocando los patrones históricamente especificas de la formación del estado, las clases, la ciudadania y los movimientos sociales mismos.