High fertility and population growth have been framed as villains in global health and development. Inspired by neo-Malthusian concerns around resource depletion, scholars have argued that fertility reduction through increased contraceptive use is necessary to protect maternal health, prevent environmental disaster, and promote economic prosperity throughout the Global South. Despite substantial critique from feminist and anticolonial scholars, the scientific evidence behind these arguments has often been treated as established fact. This ostensible scientific consensus on the instrumental benefits of contraceptive use has been marshalled by the global family planning establishment in the wake of the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development to justify continued efforts to maximize contraceptive uptake in the Global South. Here, we critically examine the evidence linking high fertility to adverse maternal health, environmental, and economic outcomes and evaluate whether reducing fertility through increased contraceptive use offers an effective strategy to address these challenges. We find the state of the evidence weaker and more conflicted than commonly acknowledged, with many claims relying on small effect sizes and/or unjustified assumptions. While increasing contraceptive uptake and reducing fertility may offer limited, marginal advantages, we argue that family planning cannot effectively address the multidimensional challenges of global poverty, ill health, and environmental degradation. Instead, global health and development should address root causes of these phenomena, while family planning programs must radically refocus on reproductive autonomy.

Objectives

Long-acting reversible contraception (LARC) initiation has been well-studied and intervened upon. Because LARC requires provider intervention for initiation and removal, it is critical to measure informed choice at the time of desired discontinuation as well. We examined perceptions of access to LARC discontinuation among women at two sites in Burkina Faso, where LARC is the dominant method in the contraceptive mix.

Study design

We analyzed data from a 2017–2018 population-based, cross-sectional survey of 281 implant users and 55 intrauterine device users at two sites in Burkina Faso. We measured perceptions of access to LARC discontinuation through survey items assessing whether participants (1) were informed on how to discontinue the method, (2) believed they could have LARC removed without a lot of difficulty, (3) believed cost would be a barrier to discontinuation, (4) had ever attempted to have a provider remove LARC, and (5) successfully had LARC removed. The distribution of these measures was examined in the population and for differences by gravida, parity, domestic partnership, fertility desires, and recency of last childbirth.

Results

Thirty-eight (11%) of current LARC users reported that they were not informed on how to discontinue, 56 (17%) believed having their device removed would be difficult, and 54 (16%) believed cost would be a barrier to removal. Of women who attempted removal, providers did not immediately remove LARC on request for 10 (28%).

Conclusions

Findings indicate that LARC uptake is an insufficient measure of reproductive access or choice. Future studies should include patient-centered measures that span the full duration of contraceptive use.

Implications

This paper finds that a sizable proportion of LARC users lack information about method discontinuation and perceive or experience barriers to method removal. These findings call for a reconsideration of free and informed contraceptive choice to include the entire duration of contraceptive use, not only the time of method provision.

Objectives Contraceptive implant use has grown considerably in the last decade, particularly among women in Burkina Faso and Kenya, where implant use is among the highest globally. We aim to quantify the proportion of current implant users who have unsuccessfully attempted implant removal in Burkina Faso and Kenya and document reasons for and location of unsuccessful removal.

Methods We use nationally representative data collected between 2016 and 2020 from a cross-section of women of reproductive age in Burkina Faso and Kenya to estimate the prevalence of implant use, proportion of current implant users who unsuccessfully attempted removal and proportion of all removal attempts that have been unsuccessful. We describe reasons for and barriers to removal, including the type of facility where successful and unsuccessful attempts occurred.

Findings The total number of participants ranged from 3221 (2017) to 6590 (2020) in Burkina Faso and from 5864 (2017) to 9469 (2019) in Kenya. Over a 4 year period, the percentage of current implant users reporting an unsuccessful implant discontinuation declined from 9% (95% CI: 7% to 12%) to 2% (95% CI: 1% to 3%) in Kenya and from 7% (95% CI: 4% to 14%) to 3% (95% CI: 2% to 6%) in Burkina Faso. Common barriers to removal included being counselled against removal by the provider or told to return a different day.

Conclusion Unsuccessful implant discontinuation has decreased in recent years. Despite progress, substantial numbers of women desire having their contraceptive implant removed but are unable to do so. Greater attention to health systems barriers preventing implant removal is imperative to protect reproductive autonomy and ensure women can achieve their reproductive goals.

Family planning researchers have traditionally focused efforts on understanding contraceptive non-use and promoting contraceptive uptake. Recently, however, more scholars have been exploring method dissatisfaction, questioning the assumption that contraceptive users necessarily have their needs met. Here, we introduce the concept of “non-preferred method use”, which we define as the use of one contraceptive method while having the desire to use a different method. Non-preferred method use reflects barriers to contraceptive autonomy and may contribute to method discontinuation. We use survey data collected from 2017 to 2018 to better understand non-preferred contraceptive method use among 1210 reproductive-aged family planning users in Burkina Faso. We operationalise non-preferred method use as both (1) use of a method that was not the user’s original preference and (2) use of a method while reporting preference for another method. Using these two approaches, we describe the prevalence of non-preferred method use, reasons for using non-preferred methods, and patterns in non-preferred method use by current and preferred methods. We find that 7% of respondents reported using a method they did not desire at the time of adoption, 33% would use a different method if they could and 37% report at least one form of non-preferred method use. Many women cite facility-level barriers, such as providers refusing to give them their preferred method, as reasons for non-preferred method use. The high prevalence of non-preferred method use reflects the obstacles that women face when attempting to fulfil their contraceptive desires. Further research on reasons for use of non-preferred methods is necessary to promote contraceptive autonomy.

Objective:To investigate the frequency and impact of contraceptive coercion in theAppalachian region of the United States.Data Sources and Study Setting:In fall 2019, we collected primary survey data withparticipants in the Appalachian region.Study Design:We conducted an online survey including patient-centered measuresof contraceptive care and behavior.Data Collection/Extraction Methods:We used social media advertisements torecruit Appalachians of reproductive age who were assigned female at birth(N=622). After exploring the frequency of upward coercion (pressure to usecontraception) and downward coercion (pressure not to use contraception), we ranchi-square and logistic regression analyses to explore the relationships betweencontraceptive coercion and preferred contraceptive use.Principal Findings:Approximately one in four (23%,n=143) participants reportedthat they were not using their preferred contraceptive method. More than one-thirdof participants (37.0%,n=230) reported ever experiencing coercion in their contra-ceptive care, with 15.8% reporting downward coercion and 29.6% reporting upwardcoercion. Chi-square tests indicated that downward (χ2(1)=23.337,p< 0.001) andupward coercion (χ2(1)=24.481,p< 0.001) were both associated with a decreasedlikelihood of using the preferred contraceptive method. These relationships remainedsignificant when controlling for sociodemographic factors in a logistic regressionmodel (downward coercion: Marginal effect=0.169,p=0.001; upward coercion:Marginal effect=0.121,p=0.002).Conclusions:This study utilized novel person-centered measures to investigate con-traceptive coercion in the Appalachian region. Findings highlight the negative impactof contraceptive coercion on patients' reproductive autonomy. Promoting contracep-tive access, in Appalachia and beyond, requires comprehensive and unbiasedcontraceptive care.

Introduction: Provider bias has become an important topic of family planning research over the past several decades. Much existing research on provider bias has focused on the ways providers restrict access to contraception. Here, we propose a distinction between the classical “downward” provider bias that discourages contraceptive use and a new conception of “upward” provider bias that occurs when providers pressure or encourage clients to adopt contraception. Methods: Using cross-sectional data from reproductive-aged women in Burkina Faso, we describe lifetime prevalence of experiencing provider encouragement to use contraception due to provider perceptions of high parity (a type of upward provider bias) and provider discouragement from using contraception due to provider perceptions of low parity (a type of downward provider bias). We also examine associations between sociodemographic characteristics and experiences of provider encouragement to use contraception due to perceptions of high parity. Results: Sixteen percent of participants reported that a provider had encouraged them to use contraception due to provider perceptions of high parity, and 1% of participants reported that a provider had discouraged them from using contraception because of provider perceptions of low parity. Being married, being from the rural site, having higher parity, and having attended the 45th-day postpartum check-up were associated with increased odds of being encouraged to use contraception due to provider perceptions of high parity. Conclusion: We find that experiences of upward provider bias linked to provider perceptions of high parity were considerably more common in this setting than downward provider bias linked to perceptions of low parity. Research into the mechanisms through which upward provider bias operates and how it may be mitigated is imperative to promote contraceptive autonomy.

Unmet need for contraception is a widely used but frequently misunderstood indicator. Although calculated from measures of pregnancy intention and current contraceptive use, unmet need is commonly used as a proxy measure for (1) lack of access to contraception and (2) desire to use it. Using data from a survey in Burkina Faso, we examine the extent to which unmet need corresponds with and diverges from these two concepts, calculating sensitivity, specificity, and positive/negative predictive values. Among women assigned conventional unmet need, 67 percent report no desire to use contraception and 61 percent report access to a broad range of affordable contraceptives. Results show unmet need has low sensitivity and specificity in differentiating those who lack access and/or who desire to use a method from those who do not. These findings suggest that unmet need is of limited utility to inform family planning programs and may be leading stakeholders to overestimate the proportion of women in need of expanded family planning services. We conclude that more direct measures are feasible at the population level, rendering the proxy measure of unmet need unnecessary. Where access to and/or desire for contraception are the true outcomes of interest, more direct measures should be used.

Abstract

There is growing consensus in the family planning community around the need for novel measures of autonomy. Existing literature highlights the tension between efforts to pursue contraceptive targets and maximize uptake on the one hand, and efforts to promote quality, person-centeredness, and contraceptive autonomy on the other hand. Here, we pilot a novel measure of contraceptive autonomy, measuring it at two Health and Demographic Surveillance System sites in Burkina Faso. We conducted a population-based survey with 3,929 women of reproductive age, testing an array of new survey items within the three subdomains of informed choice, full choice, and free choice. In addition to providing tentative estimates of the prevalence of contraceptive autonomy and its subdomains in our sample of Burkinabè women, we critically examine which parts of the proposed methodology worked well, what challenges/limitations we encountered, and what next steps might be for refining, improving, and validating the indicator. We demonstrate that contraceptive autonomy can be measured at the population level but a number of complex measurement challenges remain. Rather than a final validated tool, we consider this a step on a long road toward a more person-centered measurement agenda for the global family planning community.

Background

The prevalence of modern contraception use is higher in Kenya than in most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. The uptake has however slowed down in recent years, which, among other factors, has been attributed to challenges in the supply chain and increasing stockouts of family planning commodities. Research on the frequency of contraceptive stockouts and its consequences for women in Kenya is still limited and mainly based on facility audits.

Methods

This study employs a set of methods that includes mystery clients, focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and journey mapping workshops. Using this multi-method approach, we aim to quantify the frequency of method denial resulting from contraceptive stockout and describe the impact of stockouts on the lived experiences of women seeking contraception in Western Kenya.

Results

Contraceptives were found to be out of stock in 19% of visits made to health facilities by mystery clients, with all contraceptive methods stocked out in 9% of visits. Women experienced stockouts as a sizeable barrier to accessing their preferred method of contraception and a reason for taking up non-preferred methods, which has dire consequences for heath, autonomy, and the ability to prevent unintended pregnancy. Reasons for contraceptive stockouts are many and complex, and often linked to challenges in the supply chain – including inefficient planning, procurement, and distribution of family planning commodities.

Conclusions

Contraceptive stockouts are frequent and negatively impact patients, providers, and communities. Based on the findings of this study, the authors identify areas where funding and sustained action have the potential to ameliorate the frequency and severity of contraceptive stockouts, including more regular deliveries, in-person data collection, and use of data for forecasting, and point to areas where further research is needed.

Despite its central importance to global family planning, the “unmet need for contraception” metric is frequently misinterpreted. Often conflated with a lack of access, misinterpretation of what unmet need means and how it is measured has important implications for family planning programs. We review previous examinations of unmet need, with a focus on the roles of access and demand for contraception, as well as the role of population control in shaping the indicator’s priorities. We suggest that disaggregating unmet need into “demand-side unmet need” (stemming from lack of demand) and “supply-side unmet need” (stemming from lack of access) could allow current data to be leveraged into a more person-centered understanding of contraceptive need. We use Demographic and Health Survey data from seven sub-Saharan African countries to generate a proof-of-concept, dividing women into unmet need categories based on reason for contraceptive nonuse. We perform sensitivity analyses with varying conceptions of access and disaggregate by education and marital status. We find that demand-side unmet need far exceeds supply-side unmet need in all scenarios. Focusing on supply-side rather than overall unmet need is an imperfect but productive step toward person-centered measurement, while more sweeping changes to family planning measurement are still required.

Objective: To document associations between socioeconomics and indicators of sexual wellbeing.

Methods: We obtained our data from the HER Salt Lake Initiative, a large, longitudinal cohort study of family planning clients in the United States who accessed free contraceptive services between March 2016 and March 2017. Baseline socioeconomic measures included Federal Poverty Level, receipt of public assistance, and difficulty paying for housing, food, and other necessities. Sexual wellbeing measures assessed sexual functioning and satisfaction, frequency of orgasm, and current sexlife rating. Among participants who had been sexually active in the last month (N = 2581), we used chi-square tests to examine bivariate associations between sexual and socioeconomic measures.

Results: We found strong and consistent relationships between sexual wellbeing and economic resources: those reporting more socioeconomic constraints also reported fewer signs of sexual flourishing.

Conclusions: Financial scarcity appears to constrain sexual wellbeing. To support positive sexual health, the public health field must continue to focus on economic reform, poverty reduction, and dismantling of structural classism as critical aspects of helping people achieve their full health and wellbeing potential.

Background: Programmes promoting the postpartum intrauterine device (PPIUD) have proliferated throughout South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa in recent years, with proponents touting this long-acting reversible contraceptive (LARC) method’s high efficacy and potential to meet contraceptive unmet need. While critiques of LARC-first programming abound in the Global North, there have been few studies of the impact of LARC-centric programmes on patient-centred outcomes in the Global South.

Methods: Here, we explore the impact of a PPIUD intervention at five Tanzanian hospitals and their surrounding satellite clinics on quality of contraceptive counselling and person-centred care using 20 qualitative in-depth interviews with pregnant women seeking antenatal care at one of those clinics. Using a modified version of the contraceptive counselling quality framework elaborated by Holt and colleagues, we blend deductive analysis with an inductive approach based on open coding and thematic analysis.

Results: Interpersonal aspects of relationship building during counselling were strong, but a mix of PPIUD intervention-related factors and structural issues rendered most other aspects of counselling quality low. The intervention led providers to emphasise the advantages of the IUD through biased counselling, and to de-emphasise the suitability of other contraceptive methods. Respondents reported being counselled only about the IUD and no other methods, while other respondents reported that other methods were mentioned but disparaged by providers in relation to the IUD. A lack of trained providers meant that most counselling took place in large groups, resulting in providers’ inability to conduct needs assessments or tailor information to women’s individual situations.

Discussion: As implemented, LARC-centric programmes like this PPIUD intervention may decrease access to person-centred contraceptive counselling and to accurate information about a broad range of contraceptive methods. A shift away from emphasising LARC methods to more comprehensive, person-centred contraceptive counselling is critical to promote contraceptive autonomy.